Aktuelles aus Prishtinë (Pristina), Mitrovica, Prizren, Prizeren, Pejë, Pec - Historisches zu Kosova und UCK
00:30
18.01.2019
Policia ndërhyn me dhunë në Lëvizjen VETËVENDOSJE!

Heute gegen 10 Uhr 40 stürmten bewaffnete Polizisten das Büro der LPV ( Bewegung für Selbstbestimmung) in Prishtina. Das äußerst brutale Vorgehen der Kolonialpolizisten von der SHPK, war verbunden mit der vorläufigen Festnahme des Leiters der LPV, Albin Kurti. Mit ihm wurde Frashër Krasniqi verhaftet. Der brutale Polizeieinsatz wurde geleitet von Isak Ejupi, dem Kommandanten der Polizeistation im Süden Prishtinas.

Während der Festnahmen kam zu zu rohen gewaltsamen Akten durch die Polizisten Faton Morina mit der Nummer 5973, Ukë Gashi (6914), Lulzim Maxhuni (5079), Mentor Krasniqi (7322), Hysret Jakupi (5024), Ali Krasniqi (1037) und einem Polizisten mit der Nummer 8192. Der LPV Aktivist Frashër Krasniqi wurde in der Polizeistation Dardani von dem Polizisten Beard Mustafa mit der Nummer 7037 brutal mißhandelt. Frashër Krasniqi wurde in einem Schnellgerichtsverfahren zu 10 Tagen Gefängnis verurteilt.

 

Albin Kurti vor Gericht

 

Nach seiner Festnahme wurde Albin Kurti vor eine Gerichtsinstanz gebracht. Dort protestierte Kurti gegen die Polizeibrutalität. Kurti lehnte jede offizielle Verteidigung vor Gericht ab, da nach seinen Worten, sowohl das Gericht wie die Polizei „ Organe der Kolonialmacht UNMIK „seien. Offiziell wurde Kurti wegen einer Anklage festgenommen, die auf den August 2006 zurückgeht. Im August hatte die LPV gegen den Besuch des sogenannten UN Chefunterhändlers Ahtisaari protestiert. Der zunehmende Terror gegen die LPV zeigt, wie sehr die Kolonialmacht UNMIK den wachsenden Einfluß der LPV fürchtet. Gegen 14 Uhr wurde nach unseren Informationen Albin Kurti wieder freigelassen. Die LPV erklärt, dass sie am 28 November in Prishtina eine Demonstration gegen die Verhandlungsgruppe und die UNMIK abhalten werde. Niemand kann den Wunsch nach Selbstbestimmung unterdrücken. Die internationale demokratische Öffentlichkeit ist aufgerufen, sich mit der LPV zu solidarisieren und das antidemokratische Kolonialregime in Kosova zu attackieren.

 

Dokumente: Erklärung der LPV sowie ein Artikel über Albin Kurti in Englisch.

 

Policia ndërhyn me dhunë në Lëvizjen VETËVENDOSJE!
Frashër Krasniqi dënohet me 10 ditë burg

 

 

Sot, në orën 10:40, mbi dhjetë policë kanë hyrë me dhunë në zyren qendrore të Lëvizjes VETËVENDOSJE! në Prishtinë. Ata kishin ardhur ta arrestojnë aktivistin Albin Kurti. Pasi që i shtynë me dhunë aktivistët e pranishëm, ata e arrestojnë Albin Kurtin dhe Frashër Krasniqin. Prijës i kësaj ekspedite agresive dhe të dhunshme ishte Isak Ejupi, komandant i stacionit të policisë Jugu në Prishtinë, ndërkaq policët e tjerë pjesëmarrës, të cilët arritëm që t’i identifikojmë, janë: Faton Morina me numër 5973, Ukë Gashi (6914), Lulzim Maxhuni (5079), Mentor Krasniqi (7322), Hysret Jakupi (5024), Ali Krasniqi (1037) dhe polici me numrin 8192.

Frashër Krasniqi u dërgua në stacionin e policisë në Dardani ku u rrah brutalisht nga polici Beard Mustafa me numër 7037. Më pas, Frashërin e dërguan në Gjykatën për Kundërvajtje dhe atje e dënuan me 10 ditë burg. Ai tash ndodhet në vuajtje të dënimit.

Albin Kurti është dërguar në stacionin e policisë Qendra në Prishtinë dhe më pas në Gjykatën Komunale në Prishtinë. Në pyetjen e Albinit, gjersa ky mbahej në paraburgim, drejtuar Isak Ejupit, pse ata kanë ndërhyrë, ai është përgjigjur se kanë marrur urdhër për këtë. Ndërsa në pyetjen se a do të shtiejnë me armë zjarri në demonstruesit nëse marrin një urdhër të tillë, eprori i policisë Isak Ejupi është përgjigjur ‘Nëse është nevoja dhe më vjen urdhëri, do të gjuaj edhe në popull!’.

Në Gjykatë, Albini nuk ka marrur avokat dhe nuk është përgjigjur e as mbrojtur duke thënë se gjyqësia dhe policia në Kosovë janë pjesë e shtyllës së parë të UNMIK-ut dhe si të tilla të papranueshme. Ky ‘gjykim’ kishte të bënte me demonstratën e 23 gushtit të këtij viti kur aktivistët e Lëvizjes VETËVENDOSJE! patën bllokuar dhe mbyllur me dry portat hyrëse të ndërtesave të Kuvendit të Kosovës dhe UNMIK-ut, me rastin e vizitës së Ahtisaarit i cili po kërkonte edhe më shumë koncesione konform kërkesave të Serbisë. Për shkak të intervenimit të njësisë speciale të policisë dhe dhunës së tyre edhe në stacionin policor, aktivistit Liburn Aliu ia patën thyer hundën, Vedat Xhymshitit dorën, kurse Kujtim Kosumit policët specialë ia thyen këmbën. Albini u lirua nga gjykatësi Baki Krasniqi pasi që dëshmitarët e prokurorit publik Faik Hoxha, kinse të dëmtuarit police, Bashkim Krasniqi dhe Besim Makolli, nuk u paraqitën fare në gjykatë.

Ndaj vendimeve të shumta të gjykatave kundër aktivistëve të VETËVENDOSJE!-s prokurorët gjithnjë janë ankuar në mënyrë që këto çështje të mbesin të hapura dhe, kësisoj, në një moment të caktuar politik ato të riaktivizohen. I tillë është edhe ky moment para demonstratës që do të mbahet më 28 nëntor në Prishtinë, duke filluar nga ora 14:00, e që do të jetë kundër Grupit Negociator të Kosovës.

Çfarëdo arrestimesh ose dënimesh nuk mund ta ndalin VETËVENDOSJE!-n. Sepse ajo është vetë populli i cili nuk duron t’i mohohet vullneti, t’i shkelen të drejtat e t’i mbyllet perspektiva.

 

 

Albin Kurti: The Youthful Symbol of Non-Violence Can Karpat


“Between war and giving up is a great space with a large number of possibilities of how to win, and the biggest one is building a non-violent, peaceful movement”. This is the religion of Albin Kurti, Kosovo’s youthful non-violent revolutionary. He symbolises the coming of a whole new generation of politicians in Kosovo. Will he succeed with his astonishing determination where other old big-wigs failed? Will his stubbornness submit in the long run the Serbs and even the international community?

On the 21st of January, Ibrahim Rugova, symbol of Kosovo deceased from a lung cancer in his residence in Pristina. Nobody knows who will succeed to him. There are many candidates: President of the Assembly Nexhat Daci, Minister of Local Self Government Lufti Haziri, the ex-leader of UCK (Kosovo Liberation Army) Hashim Thaci the rival. However the best successor would have been the student leader Albin Kurti, whose strict non-violence policy is similar to that of the late President Rugova. Even though Kurti seems to refuse to meddle in the “hypocritical world of international politics” …

Albin Kurti: The new generation non-violent revolutionary

 

 

Albin Kurti (photo: beta press.com)

 

Albin Kurti

 


The very symbol of student protests in Kosovo, Albin Kurti was born on the 24th of March, 1975 in Pristina. Between 1981 and 1989, Kurti finished primary school and between 1989 and 1993 high school with great success. In 1993, he began to study at the Faculty of Electrotechnics in the University of Pristina (telecommunications and computer science). He was the eminent student of an unusual university. By 1991, about 27.000 students, 1000 professors and 200 administrative workers were expelled from University buildings in Pristina. The University, all the high schools and some primary school were closed to Kosovo Albanians. Albin Kurti was one of those parallel university students, who attended lectures in private buildings with very poor conditions.
He was going to be an engineer. However the fate wanted otherwise.
In 1997, a serious crisis between Kosovo and Serbia broke out. That would turn into an open war with the bloody events in Drenica (central Kosovo). In this context Kurti first involved himself in political events of the day. In June 1997, he became member of the presidency in the Students Independent Union at the University of Pristina (SIUUP). He was the international officer. Kurti was also a member of the Organisation Council (at University level) of the students' peaceful protests for the release of University's buildings, which were then held by Serbian professors and students. He was the spokesman for the Albanian students. For many times Kurti emphasised that their protests were no way political: “Our only demand is: freeing of our university buildings. We consider that this is only a technical problem, so our demand as our students' organisation is non-political”.
The Organisation Council organised four major peaceful student protests on the 1st and 29th of October, the 30th of December in 1997, and on the 13th of March in 1998. The 1st October protest is significant. The motto was “Breathe with us!” Protests were held in Pristina, Mitrovica, Pec, Gjakova, Prizren, Ferizaj and Gnjilane. Those were peaceful protests: Planned marches with students and professors dressed in white shirts, and with Albanian people supporting the protests on the sidewalks stubbornly quite and silent. However those protests also were a turning point, which somehow triggered the subsequent events. Kurti told what happened that day in Pristina as follows: “After we marched about 300 meters from the place that we gathered, a large police force blocked the road. We were standing there about one hour and then a police tank started to move forward with the apparent intention to drive over us because we were about only 3 or 4 meters away from the tank and from the cordon of the police forces. As we planned ahead of time, all the students and professors sat down on the road as an act of non-violent resistance. We the Organisation Council and also the Rector of our University Professor Dr. Ejup Statovci who is also a member of the Organisation Council, were on the first line of the march and we were sitting for only few seconds and then, were beaten and arrested”. Kurti was brutally beaten in front of all journalists. That was his first arrest.
Another significant aspect of that historical 1st October protest was that it was held despite President Ibrahim Rugova’s disagreement with the date set for the demonstrations. Rugova, who postponed the elections in 1997, did not want to provoke Serbia further. However Kurti’s defiance was not political since the aims of the student movement were not political, but only “technical” as he put it. In his interviews, Kurti always quotes as reference date the clandestine referendum organised by Rugova on the 26th of September 1991 when 99 per cent of the Kosovo Albanians voted for independence.
Between June 1997 and March 1999, Albin Kurti was invited to meetings in Washington, New York, Brussels, Copenhagen and the European Parliament in Strasbourg with the purpose of informing the international community about Kosovo Albanian students' demands. He also met with numerous highly placed individuals in international politics, including: Robin Cook (former British Foreign Minister), Klaus Kinkel (former German Foreign Minister), Hubert Vedrine (former French Foreign Minister), Robert Gelbard (special envoy of President Clinton for the Balkans), and with all the ambassadors and embassy representatives of Western countries present in Belgrade.
In March 1998, Serbian forces killed 53 members of the Adem Jeshari family in Drenica, because they suspected Jeshari of being a UCK leader. Suddenly tens of thousands of Kosovo Albanians, who had used to support Rugova's passive resistance, transferred their loyalty and took up arms with the UCK. Albin Kurti naturally was not one of those, who took up arms with the UCK although he committed himself to that controversial army. In August, Kurti began to work in the office of the General Political Representative (GPR) of the UCK where he served as translator. He had then close contacts with the political leader of the Army, Adem Demaci. In an interview given to one of the most popular Serbian political weekly Vreme as early as October 1997, Kurti did not hide his sympathy for Demaci: “Adem Demaci spent 28 years in prison, and he's not like the rest. He thinks what he says. Therefore, he's bigger than his party [between 1996 and 1998, Demaci was the chairman of the Parliamentary Party of Kosovo], but he is still in the party, while our protest is apolitical”. At that time, Kurti denied the rumours according to which the UCK be behind his movement.
It might well be the truth. However it does not change the fact that Kurti committed himself to the UCK as translator. This was the most courageous step of his at that time. Albanian daily Koha Ditore explains why: “Most courageous because of the fact that the Serb government wasn’t interested in punishing his chief anymore, who had been imprisoned for 28 years and still wasn’t convinced, so Demaci had a surprising “immunity”. On the other hand, Albin was young and joined his friends in the woods, but differing from them, who had weapons to defend themselves and places to hide, Albin was present in Pristina, wasn’t protected, he was in the mouth of a dangerous wolf”.
In early March 1999, Kurti quitted all his activities at SIUUP and at the office of GPR in order to continue his university studies. However the “dangerous wolf” did not forget him. During the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia, Kurti remained in Pristina until the 27th of April when Serbian police arrested him.
Between 27 April and 1 May 1999, Kurti was held in Pristina prison. On the 2nd of May, he was transferred to Lipjan prison where he was held until the 10th of June. On the 10th of June, after the withdrawal of Serbian forces from Kosovo, Kurti and other 2000 Kosovo Albanian prisoners were transferred to prisons in Serbia. His family had no information about his whereabouts. On the 12th of July 1999, the International Committee of the Red Cross informed the family that Kurti was being held in Pozarevac prison (southeast of Belgrade).
During his trial in March 2000 in

 

 

Albin Kurti in his hearing in the district court of Nis. Serbia in March 2000 (photo: alb net.com)

 

Albin Kurti in his hearing in the district court of Nis. Serbia in March 2000

 

Nis (eastern Serbia), his attitude was unbending indeed arrogant from the Serbian point of view. He refused the assistance of a defence counsel and explained his reasons as follows: "I do not recognise this court and will only answer before the court of my people. This court is in the service of everyday politics of Slobodan Milosevic's regime". He then stated that he was proud of what he had done, and that if he had the chance, he would do it all over again. During the trial, former apolitical student leader, whose ambitions were no more than to free the University buildings, unveiled for the first time his real face: “The demonstrations were also a means to an end - the Independent Republic of Kosovo - which the Albanian people have voted for at the 1991 referendum. We were against the Serbian regime which applied terror and systematic repression against the Albanian people with its military and police forces”. The verdict then was not a surprise: He was sentenced to 15 years in prison on charges of terrorism and conspiracy against the State.
In September 2000, the street revolution in Belgrade sealed the end of Milosevic regime. At that time, there remained nearly 800 Kosovo Albanians including Albin Kurti in Serbian prisons. What to do with them was one of the most delicate issues on the agenda of the new Serbian President, Vojislav Kostunica. The United States and other Western countries demanded their immediate release. However at a time when hundreds of Serbs were missing in Kosovo, such a step would have hardly obtained any support from the Serbian people at home. In a rare interview given to The Washington Post on the 30th of October, Kurti stated: “I consider myself a hostage of war”.
On the 7th of December 2001, after more than two and half years in prison, Kurti was released by a decision on pardon which he did not ask for: "What I least wanted has happened. I was the only one to be set free, while my friends will remain in Serbian prisons”. It was a splendid political mark from President Kostunica indeed - to release the “symbol of political captivity in Serbia” just three days before the international human rights day.
Thereafter Koha Ditore claimed that the Albanians did not do much for Kurti’s release, except call his name at the protests in Pristina and other capital cities. Nor did much his “brothers of arms”, who held important political positions during his imprisonment. However Kurti did not lose his faith in the independence of Kosovo. Now he is the leader and the main spokesman of the Self-Determination Movement (Lëvizja Vetëvendosje!). And he keeps using the best political weapon that he ever had: Non-violent protests.

“Between war and giving up”… Vetëvendosje movement

 

 

The main weapon is spray. No negotiations self determination (photo: vetevendosje.org)

 

The main weapon is spray: 
"No negotiations self determination"

 


History of the Self-Determination Movement goes back as early as 1997 when the Kosovo Action Network (KAN) was established by a group of international activists led by American writer Alice Mead. The KAN supported citizens’ initiatives such as the SIUUP and documented crimes committed during the war. On the 10th of June 2004, the KAN organised a demonstration to protest the 5th year of the UN Security Council Resolution 1244, which legalised the UN Mission (UNMIK) administration in Kosovo. That protest was the conceptual foundation of the Self-Determination Movement.
The Self-Determination Movement has a network of 10.000 members in 16 branches around Kosovo and 6 foreign representations. The motto is “No negotiations, self-determination”. They demand a referendum, which will determine people’s will. And the people will say no less than independence. However the Movement cannot function as a legal entity or launch a newspaper because it is denied registration under European-fostered rules for civic advocacy.
Kurti’s Self-Determination Movement defies Serbia, the UNMIK and even Kosovo politicians of every inclination.
The movement claims that the self-determination of Kosovo will also open the way for the democratisation of Belgrade government: “The problem will be solved not when the internal opinion in Serbia is changed about Kosovo, but when Kosovo ceases to be the object of this opinion”. Albin Kurti considered Serbian President of the time, Kostunica not better than Milosevic concerning the Kosovo issue: “On issues concerning Kosovo, Kostunica has the same opinions as Milosevic. In fact, he often uses exactly the same expressions”. Now Kostunica is Prime Minister of Serbia.
About the UNMIK, Kurti is even harsher. He accused the UNMIK of being a “new form of colonialism” and of bargaining secretly with Belgrade for the ethnic partition of Kosovo: “The UNMIK, which preaches democracy, is an anti-democratic neo-colonial institution itself. It represents no democratic principle. It is an international construction where romp different powerful States with their own self-interests. The UNMIK has the absolute power in Kosovo. There is no institution, which is not created and controlled by them. The result is clear: We are the poorest region in Europe. The UNMIK plunders our country and it refuses us the right of self-determination”.
As to Kosovo politicians, Kurti accuses them all of political conformism, or worse, of corruption: “For the leadership of the political parties, the current situation suits their interests. They lead a nice life and they enjoy many privileges. For the principal politicians of Kosovo, who operate behind the [UNMIK] system, the major preoccupation is the political and social survival. This system guarantees them all the benefits that they used to enjoy. They are obedient and servile to the UNMIK and Petersen’s [the Special Representative of UN Secretary General Soren Jesen Petersen] administration”.
Albin Kurti and his Movement are against the negotiations for the final status of Kosovo. Their reason is: “Because negotiations make sense when they are held between equal parties. Kosovo is not regarded as equal to Serbia because its statehood is not yet recognized”. For them, “freedom is non-negotiable”.
Kurti is relentless concerning Serbia, but not a serbo-phobe. He highly disapproved of the attacks against Serbian civilians and Serbian cultural heritage in Kosovo in March 2004. Albanian right-wing newspaper Bota Sot accused him then of being “anti-Albanian”. Kurti and his Movement definitely differ with the Albanian traditional right-wing nationalism.
Kurti’s Movement has a remarkable sense of political humour. Kurti states with laughter: “We are fighting the UN on the basis of UN principles of decolonisation”. Their protests are harmless and in a way very funny. Twice they surrounded the UNMIK building with a yellow tape saying “Crime scene - Do not cross”. And they have a skilful sense of euphemism: “UNMIKistan”, “UNMIKolonialism”, “F-UN-D” for “the end”, or “T-UN-G” for “goodbye” in Albanian.
However their protests are not that funny for Serbia, which lobbies for the “cantonisation” of the province; nor for the international community, which probably foresees a “conditional independence” for Kosovo. Kurti considers non-violent movements as the “greatest invention of this century”. So they are indeed. For the protests are non-violent, forces of order have no pretext to attack them publicly. They are not UCK-soldiers. Worse, attacking them would create a boomerang effect on the aggressor. The Movement’s activists are beaten and arrested by Kosovo Protection Corps or the UNMIK forces. And by and by, Kurti gains the public sympathy of Kosovo people and even that of the international observers.
According to Kurti, “people are tired of war, but people are even more tired of fake peace. It is time to channel dissatisfaction into political action”. He claims that if during the negotiations the parties decide on “conditional independence”, they would organise a peaceful mass uprising, which will nullify this result: “Political polarisation and democratic conflict without violence will change the situation”. Kind of Orange Revolutions in Georgia and Ukraine …
Although the degree of popular support for Kurti is unclear, what would happen if Hashim Thaci switches his support behind Kurti in a crucial point of the negotiations is hardly predictable. Many Kosovo Albanians believe that the limited violence in March 2004 led eventually to the UN decision to open the status talks. As a new generation politician in contrast to the older one, Albin Kurti may well be the “political joker” of Kosovo.
“To have an Albanian’s stubbornness” is a common expression used in Turkish language. This Illyrian people succeeded to survive as an island in the middle of the Slav sea in the Balkans for centuries. They must be very stubborn indeed. If the non-violent protests are the best mark of the silent stubbornness of a community for a given cause, then “there are many events in the womb of time which will be delivered” as Shakespeare put it, concerning Kosovo.