Aktuelles aus Prishtinë (Pristina), Mitrovica, Prizren, Prizeren, Pejë, Pec - Historisches zu Kosova und UCK
22:45
22.06.2017

Die LPV führt am Donnerstag den 8. Juni eine große Demonstration gegen die kolonialistische Herrschaft der UNMIK in Prishtina durch. Immer mehr bundesdeutsche und internationale Medien werden auf die LPV mit dem charismatischen Albin Kurti an der Spitze aufmerksam. Grundsätzlich fordert die LPV (Bewegung für Selbstbestimmung) das Recht für die Bevölkerung Kosovas über ihre staatliche Zukunft mittels eines Referendums selbst zu entscheiden. Bei der Organisation handelt es sich um eine bürgerlich-demokratische Massenbewegung, die jede Form imperialer Fremdbestimmung über Kosova ablehnt.

In letzter Zeit protestiert die LPV verstärkt auch gegen die „Privatisierungspolitik“ die die Arbeiter Kosovas ignoriert und dem Elend preisgibt. Zur Demonstration am 8. Juni wendet sich die LPV bewußt an die Arbeiter Kosovas um in ihrem „eigenen Interesse gegen die unsoziale Politik der UNMIK“ aufzustehen. Innerhalb der LPV gibt es verschiedene Strömmungen, Teile der hauptsächlich jugendlichen Aktivisten versuchen über den bürgerlich demokratischen Rahmen der LPV hinauszugehen und propagieren Lösungen, die sich an die antikapitalistischen Fixpunkte der „globalisierungskritischen Bewegung“ anlehnen.

Großer Sympathie erfreut sich Evo Morales aus Bolivien, dessen Verstaatlichungsaktion bezogen auf die Erdöl- und Gasindustrie dem Land nicht nur nationale sondern auch soziale Perspektiven zu geben scheinen. Übertragen auf Kosova wird die Frage des Ausverkaufes des nationalen Reichtums durch die UNMIK thematisiert. Dennoch hat die LPV kein sozialistisches, sondern nur ein bürgerlich demokratisches Programm. Es muß darum gehen alle demokratischen Forderungen und Aktionen der LPV zu unterstützen und gleichzeitig dafür einzutreten, dass nur mit einem Programm, welches die Arbeiter und die Jugend auf antikapitalistischer Basis verbindet, die Chance besteht, das Land wirklich zu entwickeln.

Das kann nur in Übereinstimmung mit den anderen Völkern auf dem Balkan geschehen. In diesem Zusammenhang ist die Unabhängigkeit Kosovas auch im Interesse der einfachen Menschen in Serbien. Nur wenn das nationalistische Gift aus den Gehirnen der serbischen Arbeiter und Bauern verschwindet, haben sie die Möglichkeit sich gegen Ausbeutung und Unterdrückung in Serbien zu wehren. Die Wiederaufrichtung der serbischen Arbeiterbewegung läuft nur über die Akzeptanz des Selbstbestimmungsrechtes der Menschen in Kosova. Unabhängig von der Frage ob die LPV sich in Richtung „Antikapitalismus“ weiterentwickeln sollte.

 

 

 

Manifesto
Manifest der LPV in englischer Sprache

Freedom is not given. It is an unmediated right and a bare necessity. Freedom is not negotiable; it is the unhindered development of one’s possibilities. A people is its own possibility: freedom is self-development; the free choice of the path for building a collective future. Self-determination of peoples – freedom of the individual. The opposite is the denial of the essence of the human being as a social being. Not being free is alienation.

For centuries our country has not been free. After the Ottoman occupation, came the Serb occupation. The latter was not a conflict between people, as much as a creation of the Serb intellectual and political elite. The history of this elite in relation to Kosova is a history of a series of projects for the massive expulsion of Albanians from the lands where they lived and their extermination. From the project of ‘Nacertanja’ of Garashanin in 1844, until the memorandum of the Academy of Sciences of Serbia in the year 1986, they have maintained the same objective. Only one thing has changed during this time: the methods used to implement these hegemonic plans. They have become more sinister.

Each government of Serbia has been nationalist and chauvinist because Serbia always controlled occupied lands and oppressed the people who lived there. In addition, they have always considered that Serbia is too small and must become greater. This has been the paradigm of Serb politics and its mission. Particularly, Albanians were in their sights. Twenty-four different programs were drafted and carried out for the expulsion of Albanians, their assimilation and colonization of their territories which they populated with Serbs afterwards. This expulsion occurred silently in a time of peace through discrimination, persecution and repression, whereas in the time of war, it was massive and quick through ethnic cleansing, massacres and terror. The most infamous programs were "Nacertanja" from 1844 by Ilija Garasanin, the First project of Vasa Cubrilovic "Migration of Arnauts" from 1937, the Yugoslav-Turk Convention for the Forced Migration of the Albanians to Anatolia in the year 1938, the projects of Ivo Andric and Ivan Vukotic in 1939, "Homogenous Serbia" by Stevan Molevac in 1941, Vasa Çubrilovic’s Second Project, "The minority problems in New Yugoslavia" from 1944, and then the year 1953 brought the Gentlemen’s Agreement of Tito-Kyprili for the Forced Migration of the Albanians to Turkey, all the way to the Memorandum of the Academy of Arts and Science of 1986 and the Yugoslav Program for Kosovo of 1988. From Nikola Pasic, Petar and Aleksandar Karadjordjevic, Milan Stojadinovic, Dragoljub-Draza Mihajlovic, Aleksandar Rankovic through to Slobodan Milosevic – they all just brought to life these projects and programs.

When it was sure that World War Two would be won by the anti-fascist alliance, the Serb-Yugoslav leaders violated the Resolution of Bujan (Bunjaj) of December 31st 1943 – 2nd January 1944, which had been unanimously agreed, with the participation of Albanians, Serbs and Montenegrins, and was drafted by the Anti-Fascist National Liberation Council of Kosova and Dukagjin. The resolution stated that after the conclusion of the War, the right to self-determination including secession would be granted to the Albanians of Kosovo occupied by Serbia since the year 1912. After World War Two, the people of Kosovo were unjustly denied the free expression of their will. This ‘will’ was falsified as the desire of the people of Kosovo to be attached to the Yugoslav federation. Within the federation, our country had an unequal status with the six other federal units. Kosovo had the least freedom. As a result, Kosovo was the least developed. Because what else is a people, if not the free exercise of the possibility to develop itself politically, economically and culturally.

The current borders of Kosovo were specified in the year 1947. Three decades later, the constitution of 1974 guaranteed some sort of half-freedom. Since the end of Word War Two, this was the moment when our people were furthest from the influence of the Belgrade regime. Therefore co-habitation between Albanians and Serbs during this period was better, because there was less repression. But, anything less than freedom (half-freedom) is not freedom. Furthermore, our country’s constitutional position was advanced, through offering it half-freedom in the form of autonomy, in order to transform it from a classic colony to an internal colony.

This period was brief: after the death of the dictator Tito, the balance of power within the Federation was destabilized. The domination of Serbia began. As Serb influence increased within the Federation, the oppression of Kosova increased. The termination of this half-freedom occurred after Milosevic’s rise to power: the autonomy of Kosova was revoked in 1989. This is the moment when Kosova was closest to Serbia’s rule.

Not surprisingly, during the next ten years, the repression escalated to war between the Serbian military and police apparatus and Kosova’s people. The Serbian State during the last war in Kosovo killed more than 12.000 people. Over 95 % of them were unprotected civilians, mostly children, women and the elderly. More than 3,000 kidnapped are still unaccounted for. Most of them were sent to Serbia. There were around 20,000 raped women, 740.000 people deported by force, 120.000 houses destroyed by the Serb military, and the economy destroyed. All this bitter chronology is due to the lack of the right of a people to self-determination. After the NATO bombardment ended and Serbian sovereignty over Kosova was suspended, the installment of the administration of the Interim International Mission of the United Nations, UNMIK, took place.

The UNMIK administration of Kosova is a non-democratic regime. What else can happen with a system, when the essence of its actions is the denial of people’s will? The indeterminate duration of UNMIK’s rule has become unbearable. Its presence is the antithesis of our self-determination. That’s why we do not have freedom today. The Provisional Self-Governing Institutions are, at best, an integral part of legitimizing this manner of governance. By becoming a cog in UNMIK’s machine, they are not rightful representatives of the people’s interest, because the fundamental interest of the people is the realization of its will. The fulfillment of self-determination would mean the UNMIK administration leaving Kosova. The international presence in our country (except for the Diplomatic Offices) should be reduced to a few necessary mechanisms for the protection and monitoring of minority rights. Self-determination is the foundation of a citizen’s status. But Resolution 1244, treats every individual as an inhabitant, or as a resident, a status that can also be held by a refugee. Self-determination includes, as such, the self-proclamation of the citizen.

There is no substitution for self-determination. It secures the roots of the individual within the socio-political process. Only freedom makes it possible for us to transform from a community characterized by ethnicity to a political one. We want to be able to decide on our identities as citizens and not be separated and categorized collectively by the government. For our country, internal self-determination is invalid if it isn’t accompanied by external self-determination. We do not need pseudo-institutions because they mean we have no right to decide for ourselves. Depriving people of being the source of sovereignty will result in an increase of rebellion, the regeneration of crises, and new wars. Kosova has been denied its freedom. Its tragedies have had negative implications for the region, and are obvious consequences of a people deprived of its freedom. This has happened always when others decided on Kosova’s behalf, and not Kosova itself. And, since Kosova’s problem has not been solved in this manner, Serbia has always had hegemonic and chauvinist regimes.

The 1974 Constitution was not a solution because it left Kosova weak, and thus always exposed to the risk of oppression. That is why the oppression of Serb regimes which culminated with the extermination of thousands of Albanians, was not a coincidence. The same thing applies to the other wars in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia. Autonomy cannot sustain freedom. Freedom will come to life only when the possibilities for suspending it are closed. Despite the fall of Milosevic, governmental reforms in Serbia have been mainly cosmetic. The self-determination of Kosova opens the way for the democratization of the government in Belgrade. This can be achieved only through self-determination for Kosova. The government in Serbia can be democratic only when the Kosovo problem is not left to the conscience of the rulers there. Kosova’s independence from Serbia will also cause Serbia’s emancipation from Kosova, because it undermines chauvinist projects, colonial thinking and aggressive Serb nationalism.

Self-determination as definitive secession will normalize century-old antagonisms between neighbors. It would stabilize the region. This is important for the EU, because it can only include in its European Union democratized countries where its people decide on their fate. Kosova’s problem cannot be resolved by investing on the democratization of the Government in Belgrade. The problem will be solved not when the internal opinion in Serbia is changed about Kosova, but when Kosova ceases to be the object of this opinion. Projects that see the solution as part of changing the Serb political elite in Belgrade are destined to fail. When the former opposition criticized Milosevic for his policies towards Kosova, violation of basic human rights was not the problem, but the bad management of the war. This former opposition is in power today. Why should we wait from them to be fair and just towards our country?

Therefore, the solution has a name: Self-Determination. Collective freedom is a fundamental condition for individual freedom. When there is no collective freedom, when there is no freedom for society, individual freedom is unlikely. It is because of the lack of collective freedom that the standard of living of our people is falling. There are 300,000 people hungry in Kosova. When there is no freedom, equality and justice, the lack of food is inevitable. Without freedom, the economic and social regression is guaranteed. Bringing to life the right for self-determination creates opportunity and provides the conditions for free development; and, it also means taking responsibility, so there is a strong motivation to succeed.

Self-determination, because this is the minimum moral compensation for centuries of injustice, repression of identity, hundreds of thousands maltreated, tens of thousands killed, and widespread destruction.

Self-determination, because freedom of the people should not be constrained; every nation has a right to be free from colonization, to absolutely determine its own manner of development. Every nation should control its own economic resources, its own natural goods, and should be able to determine freely its identity and its authentic cultural spirit.

Self-determination, because it is something natural: whenever others took decisions on Kosova’s behalf, we were oppressed.

Self-determination! Unconditional! Until the final break away. Until the complete liberation of our country.